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Thursday, Apr 24th, 2014

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The solution to South Sudan’s political problems lies in new blood

By Elhag Paul

April 2, 2014 (SSNA) -- The solution to the gross failure of governance in RSS is simply not only a problem of replacing President Salva Kiir with other SPLM leaders. It goes further than that. It entails honesty and the ‘will’ to confront the reality of the ugly things that have taken place in the country in order to set South Sudan on the right track under the most suitable leaders. For this to happen there needs to be a genuine acceptance from all the South Sudanese political actors, especially those participating in the peace talks in Addis Ababa; the mediators and the international community to face the truth that the real problem of South Sudan is SPLM itself.

The people of South are in the mess they are in today because of the SPLM. It is a destructive organisation. The deep social, economic and political problems of South Sudan have their roots in the ugly culture of the SPLM, its amorphous structures, tribalism, absence of positive values and the lack of duty of care.

The IGAD mediators appear to be ignorant of the SPLM as an organisation and its ability to constantly produce chaos. Surely, if IGAD has had any idea, its mediators would not be recommending the group of seven senior SPLM leaders bailed to Kenya for leadership of the country in the interim period. 

According to Upper Nile Times IGAD ‘ proposed an interim government that shall run for 3 years, and headed by a neutral body preferably from the group of 7 former detainees  whom have been recently rejected by the government delegation as "not part of the conflict".’

This is a gross error of judgement from the mediators and a display of ignorance about South Sudan political problems that the IGAD is supposed to know and address. If ignorance is not an issue here then collusion is, in which case SPLM in Opposition stance is vindicated. Riek’s group has consistently spoken about the double standards of IGAD. On one hand it is a neutral mediator and on the other it is a warring party in the conflict on the side of South Sudan government through Uganda armed forces.   The question then is: how can IGAD be an impartial, objective and a fair body in brokering peace in South Sudan?

Why have the South Sudanese demanded for an interim period in the mediation talks? With all the tragic background of ethnic cleansing conducted by president Kiir and the SPLM itself, South Sudanese painfully see the talks as a unique opportunity to put things right in the country. The over whelming majority of South Sudanese want to see all those who have driven the country to the gutters relieved from their positions for a fresh group of leaders to takeover and rescue the country. It is about a new conscious political blood taking over to end the culture of militarism and impunity once and for all to enable a lasting peace and prosperity in South Sudan and the region. The Blue Prints for such a government fortunately have been submitted to IGAD already by the various South Sudanese professional sand Equatorian stakeholders. If IGAD wants to succeed in brokering a lasting peace, then it must look at these documents again.

Given the foregoing, IGAD should not even think of proposing an SPLM government, leave alone one of their leaders whether they be from Kiir’s group, or Riek’s group or the group of seven for the interim period. This act in itself is not only undemocratic but is silences the voices of the people and shuts out the wishes of South Sudanese people. IGAD is supposed to be a forum where South Sudanese begin to exercise their democratic rights to solve their problems and not an instructive and prescriptive forum. Is it acceptable for any of the so called group of 7 leaders to manage the country in the interim period? To do justice to them it is only fair to justify why they would not be acceptable to South Sudanese. 

It is highly debatable whether any of these ‘leaders’ can make a change as the problem is one of culture of SPLM as an organisation. The attributes of this organisation does not give any hope. For example, SPLM/A is imbued with violence, corruption, lawlessness, extreme discrimination, tribalism, impunity and so on. These attributes over the past three decades have become ingrained in the psyche of all the SPLM members and their organisation. What is remarkable is that in SPLM’s entire life span no one has challenged the practice of abuse of power and human rights in the organisation. All the rebellions in this organisation are related to the issue of self determination and access to power. Strangely no one in this organisation is concerned about abuse of governance and human rights. This is a topic by itself which we shall soon have to deal with. Each SPLM group uses the word democracy to either entrench itself in power or to gain it. Rebecca Nyandeng was honest when se said, "We talk of democracy but we do not know, what shape of that animal it is and we run away when we see it." The word democracy thus to them is a vehicle to achieve ends but in reality none of them truly believe in it. So what they all know very well is authoritarianism. 

The negative attributes of this organisation is deeply ingrained in its structures. The members do not know anything other than the SPLM way. Yet it is the SPLM way that has driven the country to the current chaos and if not stopped it will drive the country to total destruction. Hence, the support for the group of seven SPLM leaders by IGAD for leadership of the country does not hold any rational or justification. None of these people has the qualities of leadership. None has demonstrated appropriate leadership in protecting the resources and people of South Sudan since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement came in operation in 2005.

Additionally, it must be remembered that SPLM is the main generator of the problems and as it is the crucial part of the problems it can not be impartial. The inescapable truth is that the SPLM leaders (of the various factions and the warring ones now) collectively and individually failed the people of South Sudan.

For the sake of clarity let us look at the group of seven individually in a brief manner.

John Luke – he is the architect of the tyrannical constitution that president Kiir is using freely now to oppress and discriminate the people.    He contested the April 2010 general election but he failed. His own constituency had no confidence in him. President Kiir at the time was his friend. As a result president Kiir imposed him on the electorate by appointing him into the parliament as an MP. President Kiir further rewarded him with a ministerial position as minister of justice. In his tenure he swore never to see anyone investigated for corruption. Please see, ‘President Kiir’s pedantic tricks in the SPLM Oyee machine.’

Ahmed Alor - he is the cog that ensured the tyrannical system ran smoothly in the interest of the Jieng. As a cabinet minister, he initiated jointly with Sadiq El Mahadi of the Umma Party the sell out of South Sudan through the ‘four freedoms’ which later got planted into the cooperation agreement with the Sudan. Please see, ‘Smeagol wooing the blind Oyee party: the “four freedoms” in favour of Arab Sudan.’ Ahmed is untrustworthy due to his history, and worse still he is a master of corruption. 

Gier Chuang – as a commander during the war with Khartoum he is alleged to have executed children by firing squad without any due process. The crime of his victims was desertion from front line. What a callous commander! As a minister of interior he oversaw the rampant mushrooming of crimes throughout the country. He allowed Arthur Akuen Chol, the then minister of finance to break free from detention without ensuring prosecution of the same for crimes against the state. Neither Chol nor the thugs who violently freed him were arrested for violation of the law and state properties. To date these thugs are free. Chuang and Kuol Manyang Juuk triggered the bloody rebellion of Gen. George Athor because they simply hated the late Athor’s guts. Chuang like Ahmed Alor is a master of corruption.

Tong Mayay - the dismissed governor of Lakes State. He was legitimately elected to the gubernatorial post. However, he failed to govern the state appropriately. As a result Lakes State was unsafe and next to Jonglei on matters of law and order. Like his colleagues, he too was corrupt and nepotistic.

Kosti Manibe – he contested for an MP seat in the April 2010 general elections but he failed. He was appointed into the parliament by president Kiir and later appointed minister of finance. His only crime is not to speak out at all, not even in self defence. Kosti is guilty by association. He allowed himself to be used and abused by the system.

Cirino Hiteng – has no constituency support. Former minister of Sports and culture. Cirino was imposed on the people by the late Dr John Garang and later on by president Kiir. Used by the system. Cirino is alleged to be involved in massive corruption.

Madut Biar Yel – former minister of telecommunication. Yel is a committed member of the SPLM. Like the others he is allegedly nepotistic and corrupt. 

From this sketchy description of the group of 7, it is clear they do not have what it takes to be leaders for this current tumultuous South Sudan. They can not be substitute leaders. They do not also have what it takes to rescue South Sudan from the current serious problems they created. So business as usual is unacceptable simply because SPLM as an organisation has no workable structures like other healthy organisations to sense, feel and restrain itself as demonstrated by its three decades of existence. It has already been established that SPLM is a pathological organisation that is now in a state of self destruction.

Thus it is incapable of change. SPLM will need years of intensive internal reform to heal itself. Therefore, it can not lead or manage South Sudan without endangering itself, the country and the neighbouring countries. For this reason it should do the honourable thing - bow out of the interim period.

Therefore, the solution as stated above lies in new blood. The Former Presidential Advisor Tijwok Agwet who is now with the SPLM in Opposition argues that the Equatorians should rise to the challenge and assume power.

Who then are some of the people who might be deemed capable to lead South Sudan out of the current mess? After careful survey of the political space of South Sudan so far there are five suitable candidates for the interim period. These are, Justice Peter Sule, Hon. Dr Richard Mulla, Dr Luara Nyantung, Bishop Paride Taban and Dr Olivia Lomoro. Other suitable candidates include Dr Lam Akol, and Gen. Alfred Ladu Gore and many more. Unfortunately the latter two current associations with the SPLM disqualify them from the interim period for the reasons already given. Nevertheless they should consider to throw-in their hats into the ring after the interim period.

Any of the suggested 5 without doubt will be acceptable to the majority of South Sudanese as interim leader of the country due to their varied contributions, extensive professional experiences in the world of work, education and standing in the society as a whole. For the sake of proper political reform, peace, prosperity and good neighbourliness IGAD should look towards these gentlemen and gentle ladies as a solution.

Therefore the mechanism for realisation of an interim government led by any of these competent individuals requires the full operation of the concept of stakeholder participation. Fortunately enough this is already agreed in principle by African Union and IGAD in their various communiqués. What is needed now is for IGAD and the international community to facilitate the attendance of all the stakeholders in South Sudan and in the Diaspora to partake in the talks in Addis Ababa to make their choice of the interim government.   This is not too much to ask for given the fact that IGAD is already funding the parties currently in Addis Ababa and what the people of South Sudan are asking for is equal treatment of all the stakeholders.

IGAD should invite all the publicly known political parties individually to join the talks in Addis Ababa without any obstacles placed on their path by the government of president Kiir. After all both president Kiir and Dr Riek claim to be democrats. Further the people of South Sudan except the SPLM genuinely are committed to have a democratic system in the country. So in order for democracy to be realised in South Sudan its implementation should start with the talks in Addis Ababa. 

The principles of democracy should be applied in these talks. Which means all the stakeholders must not be constrained in any way by the government of president Kiir or IGAD itself. The various political parties must be free to travel between Juba and Addis Ababa. They must also be free to express themselves without fear.

Unless this is done, the outcome of Addis Ababa talks will be a farce and it will not be long before another catastrophe hits the country. At the moment, president Kiir’s government has terrorised all the leaders of the other parties in South Sudan to be represented by two persons within the government delegation with clear instruction to tow the government line. How is this democracy? This is not acceptable and it amounts to kick in the teeth. For SPLM to gag political leaders in this way beggars believe. The African Union and IGAD must not accept this kind of behaviour from people who call themselves democrats.

In conclusion IGAD should now abandon its support for any SPLM leaders for the interim period for the reasons given above. It should listen to what South Sudanese want which again has been clearly stated in this piece. The success of brokering a peace in the country demands the inclusion of all the stakeholders without fail to make the choice of the interim leadership. For this reason it becomes extremely imperative that the participation of all the stakeholders must become a high priority. In doing this, democratic values must be applied in full as the starting point of introducing genuine democracy in South Sudan. 

Anything less than this is unacceptable. The colossal loss of lives and displacement of nearly a million citizens was created by the SPLM and it is unacceptable to allow SPLM to obstruct the participation of stakeholders in solving the mess they created. It is high time that the Troika and the UN take a lead role in putting these talks back on track. Alternatively they should transfer these talks to a new body if IGAD is struggling to be impartial. 

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]

The author lives in the Republic of South Sudan. He can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

General James Hoth, SPLA Chief of General Staff

By Deng Vanang

‘’Is he a professional soldier asserting independence of the army divided by ethnic loyalties or a political tactician weighing survival options at the military helm, asks Deng Vanang?’’

April 3, 2014 (SSNA) -- The double edged question posed above vividly reflects the hard times General James Hoth Mai is currently sailing through ever since the beginning of 2013. Probably this period marks his most trying moments in his successful army career, straddling well over three decades. Married to Nyawaragak Pal Chang with children and several others out of wedlock, Hoth was born on 30th November 1959 in Manchom, Ulang County of Upper Nile State to Mai Nguth Bol and Nyakoor Deng. He began his military career in SPLA Jamus Battalion, 1983 with just strips on his once energetically youthful arms as one of the trusted body guards to late SPLM/A veteran leader, Dr. John Garang De Mabior. That was after he finished his secondary education in Malakal under the care of his undisputedly humble and kind paternal Uncle Politician Peter Lam Nguth. He briefly taught as secondary school teacher in one of the schools in the same town. Teaching was not his calling but army he was denied of joining in the former Sudan. 

With the founding of guerilla movement, SPLM/A, Hoth’s hope of pursuing the army as a career choice was rekindled. His undying love for the boot and uniform was also bolstered by his quest to topple Jafaar Mohammed Nimiery regime which denied him, like several other fellow Southerners, the right to choose and manage his future as he so wished. Joining the guerilla army he believed would one day become regular one was an opportunity he tenaciously grabbed with both hands.  Being a profession that hugely demands discipline and loyalty, it is no rocket science for many South Sudanese to know that Hoth’s ever calculated patience, cautious bravery and unequivocal commitment to the systems, even at times many lose hope in, helped him race through to the top and immovably remain there against the stark odds. General Hoth was weaned off from humble body guard by his boss, Garang into a cadet officer, effectively taking courses in several cadet schools both abroad including Cuba and United States of America as well as neighboring Ethiopia that in early years played host to the movement. He is now the holder of Masters Degree in public administration at University of Fort Hare, South Africa with about two books he authored under his belt. He is known to be a living witness of SPLM/A’s founding in September 1983 and its subsequent split between Garang and Samuel Gai Tut over the leadership and unresolved objective of the newly inaugurated movement. With Garang leading SPLM/A based in Ethiopia while Samuel Gai led Anya - Nya two that set up camp in Sudan.

In all Nuer – Dinka power struggles in which he prominently takes part, Hoth always sides with the latter, a clear testimony to his disapproving description of the Nuer political system as anarchic with little respect for leadership. The definition seems to have struck a relative but unfamiliar agreement between the quite general’s gun barrel and the pen of a British prolific writer of the Nuer anthropology, Edward Evans Pritchard. In 1986around Nasir area, he was commissioned captaincommanding largely Eastern Jikany Nuer Battalion of Yoany, after which his elder son is named, facing off with Nuer dominated Anya-Nya two that fought over dominance of Southern Sudan politics  with Dinka dominated SPLM/A. He never blinked an eye in the face of adversity to consider switching side to Anya - Nya two to which his Nuer people pledged a near fanatical loyalty. He stood his grounds firm until in early 1988 when he with then SPLA first Chief of General Staff, William Nyuon Bany, a Nuer and a group of Greater Nasir politicians Daniel Koat Mathews, David Dak Gai and John Jok Reth mediated a successful unity agreement between SPLM/A and Gordon Koang Chol led A2 in an Ethiopian border village of Kuanylou. The agreement re-integrated A2 into SPLM/A, giving stronger muscles to the latter in capturing several garrison towns from successive Khartoum-based regimes.

But the agreement lasted up to August 28th 1991 when the movement split a second time between South Sudan two leading ethnic groups, the Nuer and Dinka. With Machar renewing Nuer and other South Sudanese popular objective of self-determination for the South Sudan John Garang stood opposed in favor of fighting for justice and equality in a united, secular Sudanese state. In a sharply divided movement with huge economic devastation and high death tolls where almost every Dinka and Nuer turned against one another, Hoth remained unshaken and resolved to stay put with his boss, Garang. Hoth rubbished a public rumor peddled on BBC focus on Africa in 1996/7 that suggested he shot dead at a closer range his boss of 15 years in a heated argument in the bushes of Southern Sudan. Nevertheless, the rumor mill traced to covertoperations of Sudan government intelligence service adversely failed to affect the close relationship of long time friends. As another sign of still wading through troubled waters around the same period, Hoth virtually became persona non grata in his home area of greater Nasir where SPLM/A Mainstream lost every foothold to Riek Machar’s faction for twelve solid years.

He reunited with his people once again when two factions reconciled and became one in January 2002 with Garang retaining leadership and original name of the movement SPLM/A while losing vision of the movement to Machar who became second Deputy after Garang and Salva Kiir, both Dinka. That is from originally fighting for justice and equal opportunities for all Sudanese, Arabs and Africans, in a multi-racial, cultural and religious country to that of self-determination favored by Machar. The 1991 split also changed the movement’s repressive nature in response to Machar’s aspired democratic principles. The unity between two powerful forces in the South threatened the Arab regime and helped usher in an internationally brokered Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA between north and South in which self-determination as the choice of majority of South Sudanese was enshrined. This time Hoth was one of the senior most SPLA field officers in the command of guerilla outfit.

In closing a dark chapter of armed struggle, Garang made his alpha and omega type of appointment that commissioned Hoth in July 2005 as Major general and Deputy Chief of General Staff for logistics among his five other colleagues. The big five constituted a Military High Command Council to steer the SPLA, which then became the standing army of the South, through to referendum in 2011. Following the death of Garang a few days later, Salva Kiir Mayardit took over all Garang’s titles as Chairman and Commander – in – Chief of SPLM/A, First Vice President of the Sudan Republic and President of the Southern Sudan self-government. With army promotions and reshuffles under Kiir saw Hoth becoming Lieutenant general and heading military operations department respectively. In May 2009 he was promoted to the rank of full general as he took over from Oyai Deng Ajak as 4th Chief of General staff of SPLA he is today.

This position was not bed full of roses. It rather put him in nostalgia of enjoying the top rank in the army while struggling to strike a balance in overseeing 2010 mid – term general elections in which SPLA neutrality as the peoples’ army was crucially demanded by opposition politicians rightly suspicious of being still SPLM party military wing. Another test caught up with five stars General was in negotiating on a slippery trajectory alongside President Kiir and Dr. Riek Machar as a Vice President CPA with northern partners wanting to foil it {CPA} under any pretext that could undermine both referendum and possible independence for the South.

Towards the eve of independence declaration on 9th January 2011, Hoth with some politicians popularly referred to as Garang’s blue-eyed boys, most of whom are either in jail or in exile because of the alleged 15th December attempted coup, was unsuccessfully accused of plotting a coup to wrest the flag of an independent Country to be from the hands of the presumed independence President, General Salva Kiir. But the most sweeping storm yet to be weathered by the seasoned and secretive General even to his dad and mum, both alive and well, has been in early and in the run up to mid-December 2013 when each of the two principal protagonists in South Sudan politics, Kiir and Machar, secretly held him as a game changer against the other. Either wanted him on his side or remained neutral in an army ethnically divided into halves between them in the pitched battle over the SPLM party chairmanship. The leadership was to be contested in the same year in a party convention much delayed by several disagreements over ethnic overtones and party controversial internal ground rules. The much coveted prize would see the winner become the flag bearer of the ruling party many still believe, if it is still united, shall win the upcoming 2015 elections. That never came to past. In the ensuing struggle for political supremacy, Kiir badly courted Hoth to stand by his side as the customs demand in defense of his incumbency and legitimacy as democratically elected President in April 2010. Kiir further believed the current differences between him and Machar are an echo of 1991 split when he and Hoth were one and the same on the side of Garang against Machar.

While Machar in particular and the Nuer in general thought it wise for the army to steer clear from politics. And if need be, the blood should be thicker than water for Hoth to quash Kiir hostile tactics and help his tribesman Machar climb to power on his broad shoulders. If that failed again, Hoth should just copy the Egyptian scenario and become strong man, the heroic Field Marshal Abdel Fatah El-sissy of South Sudan as a way of restraining the two men. By so doing, he could take over power while confining them in their own homes till the next elections in which both of whom could vie on an equal footing. On 15th December when conflict erupted many Nuers still believed Hoth was on their side simply because he previously foiled many deadly arrests Kiir was alleged to have plotted against Machar since he removed him as the new nation powerful Vice President on 23rd July. A day after the violence, contrary to their popular view, the General declared his true allegiance to Kiir by sweet talking Machar’s loyal soldiers out of their last foothold in Gaeda, adjacent to Jebel market in Juba.

While in a hasty retreat as they responded to advice of Hoth they still believed was on their side in what they regarded as Kiir’s unprovoked assault, many fell to the deadly bullets of Kiir loyalists hiding behind Hoth. This was followed by massacres targeting the Nuer civilians in Juba neighborhoods including General’s beloved paternal cousin and political confidant Reath Thon Wako by members of security forces Hoth purportedly commands. This shortchanging behavior in the minds of the retreating Machar’s loyalists in the face of hellish fire, smacked off an aura of betrayal by their kinsman they erratically talk of never to forgive. Such highly inflammatory statement resonates very well with the civilians living on every inch of a far away Nuerland. In Nuer local politics what would have been Hoth’s glamorous future political career after he hangs up his boots and uniform seems grounded in a single stroke of a second before a takeoff unless serious miracle happens.

But the issue of Hoth, referred fondly by close relatives and friends as Hothnyang, toeing the line of kiir thinking and refusing to be swayed by ethnic loyalty is a subject of an in-depth political analysis. The writer thinks given his disparaging opinion on Nuer leadership, Hoth is a political tactician weighing survival options at the helm of the military that made him act in self preservation and not necessarily in support of what Kiir thought of him as described above. General Hoth as a man well informed of the goings-on behind the science of an ethnic power struggle, knew one or two things that could not make him succeed whether he paired up with Machar or neutralized him and Kiir altogether.

He knew so well South Sudan army is not like that of Egypt as highly professional, organically united and patriotic on its mission of defending common public interest. And therefore, throwing his weight behind Machar wouldn’t till the balance in favor of the latter since the two could be perceived by Dinka wing of the army as Nuers united in a takeover of power from their fellowman, Kiir and not as somebody trying to ride the country of bickering politicians bent on destroying it with unbridled political ambitions.

This zero sum game of neutralizing the two, couldn’t even strike an iota of a balance as Kiir could lose Presidency while Machar loses nothing. On that note army could be divided on ethnic lines and no longer under him, further irreparably damaging his personal credibility as an honest arbiter as well as taking away his prominent post as the army chief in a fight he was not certain of winning.

Too, General Hoth ostracized by most of his Nuer people and viewed with suspicion by his people perennial rivals, the Dinkas was aware of the Uganda army support for Kiir and which he knew its members were all over in town on that day and quite impossible to be held down by ill-prepared Nuer troops loyal to former Vice President, Dr. Riek Machar Teny – Dhurgon, current leader of the rebellious SPLM/A in opposition fully embarks on toppling Kiir from South Sudan presidency.

On the whole, this Hoth’s general line of thinking or change of attitude towards Machar could be confirmed by one of my journalistic tours of duty on 20th September before the conflict erupted when I met both him and his immediate boss, Kiir’s most loyal defense Minister Kuol Manyang Juuk in their offices adjacent to each other in Bilpam H. quarters. Both were in a relaxed mood and talked cordially about each other in their separate cozy and giant offices different from the picture public had painted as being at loggerheads because of Kiir and Machar divisive politics. Hoth’s warm relationship with Kuol perceived to be an embodiment of Kiir, indirectly demonstrated Hoth good relation with Kiir himself. And the rest is history.

Deng Vanang is a freelance journalist and can be reached at: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

Once finished with the Juba Court, all eyes must move to The Hague!

By: Justin Ambago Ramba

April 2, 2014 (SSNA) -- To be drunk with power is one thing. And to be drunk with alcohol is another thing. But to be drunk by both is completely in a class of its own.

Think about the above opening statement to this article and think about President Salva Kiir and his leadership styles. Then think about the degree of misery this intoxicated leadership and its followers of dinkocrats have plunged the nascent country into.

For sure President Salva Kiir Mayardit should end up in the Hague since all his fake witnesses have one after the other failed  to provide any evidence to support the president's allegations of the so-called coup attempt  to overthrow his "rotten to core" dinkocratic government.

How much proof is needed to label this government as a government of liars when its own Military Intelligence chief accepts in front of the court that he has nothing to link any of the accused persons to the claimed December 15, 2013 coup attempt?

Again is it not enough proof that the   coup was purely president Kiir's own imaginations after his staunch supporter and tribesman who doubles also as the dinkocratic government's  minister of Interior, turns down the request from the court   to witness against the so-called coup plotters?

A lay man like myself does not need a law degree to see the flaws in the Kiir and Wani -imaginary coup that was about to take in the world's newest country.

President Salva Kiir has for a long time been suffering nightmares in his sleep as a consequence of his heavy drinking habit and political worries both of which are triggered by his poor leadership performance and record.

It has since long became  everyone's knowledge that the embattled president once suffered a nightmare where he saw himself being strangled to death by   his late boss,  the SPLA/M founder,   Dr John Garang de Mabior.

This iconic figure of Sudan and South Sudan politics who mysterious died a plane crash nearly a decade ago must obviously disapprove of his successor's leadership if he were to come back from the world of the dead.

The  case in point  here  is  how   president  Museveni of Uganda quickly moved in and pocketed Salva Kiir's pathetic presidency we all know that it was his    chopper   that  carried the great man to the  world of the dead as  it crashed over the mountain ranges between Uganda and South sudan killing everyone on board.

Following this superstitious encounter with late Garang's ghost as claimed by what is now a paranoid president , Salva Kiir went on to force his entire cabinet into not only believe that he  indeed involved in a practical and struggle with  late Dr. John Garang's ghost.

He also made them embrace the weird view which suggests that the superstitiously interpreted nightmares are indeed the work of his rivals and other anti government groups who want to unseat him from the presidential driving seat, and that there intended outcomes can   equally be superstitiously mitigated as well.

What followed this crazy nightmare was an equally crazy government judgment and reaction, to say the least.

Tax payers money ( preferably referred to as Oil money, as all paid tax monies end in the collectors pockets)  probably in the ranges  of a couple of millions of dollars  were misused to contract traditional Dinka witchcraft's priests and other agents of the Satanic world.

These fellows went on for weeks performing every witchcraft in the book with the aim of protecting a president who is obviously suffering from" Delirium tremens".

To this point all sorts of unthinkable and often unnecessary superstitious masquerades have been allowed and performed at the late leader's burial ground, commonly referred to as Dr.  Garang's mausoleum in Juba under the State House’s directives.

If that is how this paranoid president responds to a nightmare possibly triggered by alcoholic delirium, it shouldn't then surprise anyone to see him over reacting to yet another one that threatens to dislodge him from power. We are talking here about how sweet power can become.  

However a nightmare then followed by real targeted kills, in fact an ethnic cleansing is no more a mere nightmare. This has gone to abuse other p's rights to life. Thousands of them he ordered killed in his capacity as the country's commander in chief (C-in-C).    

The central argument here is, although Salva Kiir's claims of a failed coup attempt  is purely based on what he imagined in his sleep, his actions that followed were real and true. In simple terms it can be summed up as follows: “The claimed coup cannot be proved, but the target killings of Nuer civilians in Juba can be proved”.

Based on the above deduction Pagan Amum Akeich and other three comrades must be immediately set free.

The next step while the released detainees including the Group of 4, work with their lawyers to file their case against the dinkocracy regime and request for compensation, the international community should immediately start the indictment procedures against everyone involved in the target mass killings that begun in Juba and spread to other parts of South Sudan.

Dr. Justin Ambago Ramba is a concerned citizen and a voice for the voiceless. He can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

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